The GenZ 212 movement released a manifesto addressed to King Mohammed VI, voicing eight main demands including government dismissal, party dissolutions, and the release of detainees, citing a «crisis of confidence» in institutions. In remarks to Yabiladi, Abderrahim El Allam reflected on these demands, weighing their feasibility, their democratic grounding, and how they measure against Morocco's constitutional framework. The GenZ 212 movement, a youth-led group that mobilized online for protests in Morocco calling for better healthcare, quality education, and an end to corruption, released a manifesto on Thursday. Published at the close of the sixth day of demonstrations across several cities, the document set out eight main demands. Among them are the dismissal of the government and its head, the dissolution of political parties accused of corruption, the release of prisoners of conscience, and the organization of a «national accountability session» of the current government before the people, chaired by the King. Addressed directly to the King, the text reflects what the movement describes as a deep «crisis of confidence» in institutions, particularly the government and political parties. Dismissal or resignation? But are these demands feasible, and, more importantly, constitutional ? Answering this question, Abderrahim El Allam, Professor of Political Science at Cadi Ayyad University in Marrakech, told Yabiladi that while some of GenZ 212's demands are legitimate, others were «phrased in ways that could go against the democratic spirit». «The demands voiced by GenZ 212 have a militant spirit; some of them are reasonable and expected, such as fighting corruption and releasing detainees», he acknowledged. «However, others need clarification and verification» El Allam was particularly critical of the demand for the dismissal of the government and the head of government. «These young protesters should be aware that the head of government cannot be dismissed», he stressed, adding that «if this demand were met, it would constitute a breach of the Constitution». According to him, the Constitution stipulates that the King «has the right to dismiss all ministers, but there is no article that grants him the power to dismiss the head of government». He clarified that dismissal could only be framed as resignation, as was the case with Abbas El Fassi's government in 2011, following the emergence of the February 20 movement. Parties and corruption: Dissolution or accountability? Another demand El Allam found «unreasonable and undemocratic» was the dissolution of political parties linked to corruption. «The only body that can dissolve a political party is the judiciary, not the Interior Ministry or any other authority», he noted. «It is impossible to say that an entire party is corrupt, only individuals within parties can be corrupt. Perhaps what they meant was the prosecution of corrupt members in fair trials». For him, generalizations are dangerous: «They cannot generalize about political parties, just as we should not generalize that all GenZ protesters are rioters. Such a demand has never been heard of in Morocco's history of activism». On the call for a government accountability session chaired by the King, El Allam was clear: «The King is not a judicial authority». For El Allam, the manifesto illustrates both the passion and the shortcomings of the youth movement. «These demands are youthful, full of activism, but lack legal form and scrutiny. Otherwise, they risk contradicting themselves, demanding democracy while undermining the judiciary, demanding freedom of speech while calling for the dissolution of political parties, which promotes populism and tyranny», he stressed. A crisis of confidence in institutions He also considered it natural that the manifesto was addressed to the King. «It is natural and logical that they appeal to the King and not to the government, since they oppose it», he commented. «Since one of their main demands is the dismissal of the head of government, they cannot ask the government to 'dismiss itself.' Even the release of detainees can only be achieved through a royal pardon». This distrust extends to political parties in general, not only those forming the current government, he remarked. El Allam sees this as a key difference from previous protest movements, particularly February 20. «That movement did not ask the King for change but demanded constitutional reform, calling for a parliamentary monarchy», he recalled. «Its ceiling of demands was higher than that of the current movement. February 20 had a problem with the entire political system, while today's movement disputes mainly with the government». And that, he explains, makes the current claims potentially attainable. «Releasing detainees does not require constitutional reform. The dismissal of the government could be framed as its resignation, while the dissolution of parties could instead be framed as prosecuting corrupt members. These are demands that could be met soon or within months, unlike the February 20 demands, which were more daring but still led to a royal speech, constitutional reform, new elections, and a new government». Still, he warned against rejecting political parties altogether. «They must think of alternatives, because politics cannot exist without parties», he concluded.
